1. PREAMBLE
Certain weighty statements have to be made on the Nigeria Project to clarify the import of this document.
1.1 Ndigbo were in the forefront of Nigeria’s leadership elite during colonialism and shortly after independence. The political elite of Ndigbo set their sights on Nigerian leadership and did precious little to provide appropriate cognateness for growth of Ndigbo as a major segment of Nigerian populace. Ndigbo failed to address a united front in the Nigeria Project on account of individual pursuits of wealth and importance that precluded Igbo unity. Attempts to foster Pan-Igbo unity was frustrated by leadership who had an agenda to lead Nigeria and its heterogeneity and perhaps Africa without ensuring that there is a solid Igbo home-front to create and fall back to, when the need arises; thereby negating the Igbo proverb that admonishes leaders to organise and beautify the home before daring distant lands. Leadership of Nigeria especially in technology and bureaucracy, naturally devolved on Ndigbo as independence approached. It is on record that University of Nigeria led in public service intakes as soon as its products hit the labour market.
1.2 Disaffection and envy arose in the consciousness of neighbours and developed into a crescendo when a coup di etat was planned. Ndigbo received a shock from neighbours when their concept of nationalism became their undoing with the interpretation of the military intervention of the majors received skewed colouration to their detriment. The downward slide of Ndigbo commenced. Nigeria commenced a process of clipping the wings of Ndigbo and shortchanging the delivery of quality service in the public sector of Nigeria project. Quota arrived to whittle delivery of services further and entrenched mediocrity and sharing on the basis of population rather than competence. An army of technocrats received replacements from a new quota power elite and the Nigeria Project started floundering. That descent to the abyss of productivity has continued till this day of writing. Greed and Avarice accentuated the decline of the Nigerian Project that was initially result oriented. Our real sector growth was impaired by sharing of resources meant for capital creation and real sector development among power elite who had no ranking concept of difference between private and public owned resources. The northern Islamic elite made free of national resources for welfare of their people in consumption terms only. The Nigeria Project bled at the altar of ineptitude of its new cannibals.
The result was that when Ndigbo e received pent-up avalanche of hatred with concomitant hostility of various kinds, no recovery plan could be conceived and implemented by Igbo leadership elite. The military incursion into leadership in Nigeria could not elicit appropriate response from Ndigbo. Fear of Skin Pain among the leadership led to the collapse of Ndigbo. Ikemba Odumegwu Ojukwu’s response to the motley of disdainful experiences following the Pogrom of 1966 and thereafter was naïve in perspective and unwholesome to the future of Ndigbo in the Nigeria Project. No foundation had been laid for Igbo resurgence or even survival ever since. Ndigbo have consequently lost out of relevance and are compelled with this document to accept that fact.

1.3 It is the bounden duty of the elite of every race to redirect their race when it is evident that the trajectory of that race has gone awry and no longer congruent to aspirations of her majority. Our daring spirit has not redounded to our advantage because there is a severe lack of leadership for a race of people numbering close to fifty million and more, with only one language shared in a vast territory now constricted by envy and fear among neighbours to five states neglecting cousins carved disdainfully into neighbouring states.
1.4 Ohaneze Ndigbo by fits and starts has remained the apex Igbo organisation to champion much-needed resurgence of Igbo Spirit not necessarily for national leadership but for self realization and eventual relevance to the aspirations of Igbo majority. The organisation of Ohaneze Ndigbo so far leaves much to be desired. Personal interests of its leaders have shortchanged its impact through its history. Penchant for gain with position and power has whittled down its restorative impact on the Igbo psyche. The corporate destiny of Ndigbo has been a subject for trade. Ndigbo have failed to rise to relevance through the new attempt at building a new republic from 1999 till date. There has been a subtle and deliberate consensual block to Ndigbo resurgence in Nigeria Project.
1.5 The Nigerian Project has continued floundering on the altar of ineptitude of beneficiaries of the project to garrison resources for pervasive benefit for current and future Nigerian humanity. It is vital now to sue for destiny to return to Igboland from a national level into which it was erroneously ceded by military adventurists whose intervention has turned out to be destructive in the main. This has to be conducted on a national plane with agenda from all contending parties as template. Ndigbo must not be found wanting in articulation of an agenda for its own survival in Nigeria Project.

2. TRUE FEDERATION IS NO LONGER NEGOTIABLE.
2.1 A strong central government in Abuja has not redounded to commensurate benefit to the existing zones of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Power should be devolved to the zones which must now contribute to the maintenance of a central government on terms that will be agreed upon.
Abuja Nigeria’s Capital Territory has become an unmitigated disaster in terms of positive evolution of Nigeria Project. It produces nothing but provides access to limitless profligacy and greed of the three arms of government.
2.2 The Legislature replete with inexperienced law makers hive for themselves as much portions of the commonwealth as they can conscript by increasingly disastrous legislation and get away with it. They net in capital for further forays in power with legislative swindling, resulting in weaker and weaker economy bereft of real sector growth.
2.3 Power has for decades eluded the productive sector and little has been done to change the steep downward slope to diminishing productivity and gross national product. Education in functional terms has gone to the dogs.
3.4 Competence is sliding at all levels of society and crime is rising on account of failure of Nigeria Project to even envision a future for an ill-prepared work force in a fast developing world. In the meantime resources evenly spread out in the four winds of Nigeria are not being applied toward increasing productivity. They are being looted for investments offshore. The Federal Government currently and through these near five decades have festered and fostered poverty on Nigeria.

3. AGENDA ITEMS
3.1 ITEM NO.1 ON THE AGENDA
Ndigbo have come to the conclusion that the slide must be checked by devolution of power to the zones that have been largely accepted as political power blocks in the Nigeria Project even though our defeat in Biafra War resulted in our diminution to a weaker status. Ndigbo must accept that fact as the outcrop of conflict and carry on without any further distraction.

3.2 ITEM 2 ON THE AGENDA
The Presidential System of Government is no longer acceptable to Ndigbo. A parliamentary system shall be in force at the centre and the zones. Candidates with appropriate experience in various spheres of life above sixty years of age shall contest for both national, zonal, state local government assemblies to make laws for the various levels of government. Legislation is not a job for inexperienced citizens at any level of government.

3.3 ITEM3 ON THE AGENDA
Natural Resources within each zone or state of the new Federal Republic shall belong to the zone and shall be exploited for the benefit of the zone or state. Laws shall be made by a National Assembly for contributions to the centre by zones for the upkeep of our central organisations and international obligations and common services.

3.4 ITEM 4 ON THE AGENDA
Ndigbo will not seek to contest for the presidency of Nigeria for the next sixteen years. It is a distraction which has resulted in the fractionalization of our corporate spirit. The body language of our co-travelers in Nigeria Project is eloquent enough. We shall however use our population to full effect, and determine through voting whoever will gain ascendancy to a diminished central government.

3.5 ITEM 5 ON THE AGENDA
Ndigbo shall present to contending parties to power at the centre a shopping bag of requirements for the development of Igboland, which shall be drawn up by a committee of Ohaneze Ndigbo and approved by Ohaneze Ndigbo worldwide. This shopping bag must be acceded to in writing by contending parties before a proclamation by Ohaneze shall direct Ndigbo to cast their votes for an approved contender for office at the centre.

3.6 ITEM 6 ON THE AGENDA
Ndigbo shall obtain from Nigeria Project an undertaking not to tamper with Investments of Ndigbo in any zone or state in Nigeria by blatant or subtle means in return for her distance from power during these sixteen years of corporate immolation. Nothing shall preclude Ndigbo from giving support to states which provide safe anchorage for Ndigbo investments in their states during our period of corporate immolation.

3.7 ITEM 7 ON THE AGENDA
Ndigbo shall demand Trader Education Project from all governments of the New Federal Republic as a matter of course. Arrangements will be initiated by Ndigbo for the anchorage of this project and presented in a shopping bag to contenders for national leadership.

3.8 ITEM 8 ON THE AGENDA
Ndigbo shall require central support for its farming people. A massive cooperative movement shall be embarked upon to assure Ndigbo of food security. To this effect, a Cooperative Bank shall be reignited to power production and development in the rural sector and assure food security into the far future in all parts of Igboland. The central government shall be required to lend initial support.

3.9 ITEM 9 ON THE AGENDA
Ndigbo shall require liberal importation of industrial hardware for establishment of industries in all parts of Nigeria where raw materials exist. Liberal terms for establishing these industries will be sought for and should be granted in return for employment opportunities to be created for incipient zones or states in which such industrial concerns shall be located.

3.10 ITEM 10 ON THE AGENDA
Ndigbo shall insist on the completion of Third Niger Bridge, development of Oguta Inland Port and dredging of its access to the sea for purposes of shipping and international trade and tourism which shall be vital for commerce and industry in Igboland. Onitsha Port should be completed for Inland Water Transport, now that sections of River Niger have been dredged ready for inland transportation of people and goods. Special concessions shall be sought for operating cargo ships and barges on River Niger and its tributaries from operators.
A Free Trade Zone is necessary for Igboland and should be contemplated immediately.

3.11 ITEM 11 ON THE AGENDA
Ndigbo would require one more international airport at Oba in Anambra State for purposes of commercial and industrial establishments that will be powered into existence by local entrepreneurial skills domiciled in the area.

4. CONCLUSION:
4.1 A Sovereign National Conference is imported in all of these proposals. Other zones are encouraged to come up with their own agenda to make the conference an easy task to accomplish.

4.2 If Ohaneze Ndigbo receives assent to these demands in writing it shall support a party with a good and qualified candidate for presidency of Nigeria as a zone and as a single language community in the Nigeria Project. The proviso of course shall be the full implementation of all the demands within the administration which Ndigbo shall support.

Humbly presented as material for deliberation at all levels of Ohaneze Ndigbo

Nze Professor M A C Odu
Member from Imo State
Sunday June 16 2013